Rossvale to ground share with Benburb

[Winny Wizen]

6 minutes ago, griffiti on the wall said:

They have been Rossvale of Springburn Rossvale of Bishopbriggs and now Rossvale of Govan there is no support as they never stay long enough to root themselves into a community they are like a franchise junior team who can be moved at any given time cos in truth nobody truly cares

St Roch’s used to be from Provanmill and without moving the are from some made up name called Gurngad 

[griffiti on the wall]

St Roch’s used to be from Provanmill and without moving the are from some made up name called Gurngad 

Provanmill is part of the Garngad you complete and utter roaster 🤣🤣
Look see if your gonna waste my time at least have the decency to be factual .
Now away learn your history and geography then comeback to I tear you another new arse

[Jason King]

14 minutes ago, griffiti on the wall said:

They have been Rossvale of Springburn Rossvale of Bishopbriggs and now Rossvale of Govan there is no support as they never stay long enough to root themselves into a community they are like a franchise junior team who can be moved at any given time cos in truth nobody truly cares

Rossvale are a Bishopbriggs club - always have been. 

Its only their most senior team that is moving, they will still be a Bishopbriggs club.

[griffiti on the wall]

The one person I genuinely feel for in this fiasco is there chairman Dom .

A decent guy who has invested time ,money and effort trying to make Rossvale a well established junior club and for his sake I hope he realises his ambitions for the club

 

 

[Winny Wizen]

3 minutes ago, griffiti on the wall said:

Provanmill is part of the Garngad you complete and utter roaster 
Look see if your gonna waste my time at least have the decency to be factual .
Now away learn your history and geography then comeback to I tear you another new arse

It’s a mythical place a bit like Brigadoon

the only thing you own is a keyboard  

[griffiti on the wall]

Rossvale are a Bishopbriggs club - always have been. 
Its only their most senior team that is moving, they will still be a Bishopbriggs club.

The junior club has no links to the kids sides or the amateurs or so we are told

[griffiti on the wall]

It’s a mythical place a bit like Brigadoon
the only thing you own is a keyboard  

Look I know your fanny of the highest order but despite that I will give you a bit of advice your making yourself look silly as I said go away research properly and then comeback

[Tartan Tammy 1297]

4 minutes ago, griffiti on the wall said:

7 minutes ago, Winny Wizen said:

It’s a mythical place a bit like Brigadoon
the only thing you own is a keyboard  

Look I know your fanny of the highest order but despite that I will give you a bit of advice your making yourself look silly as I said go away research properly and then comeback

Garngad is the old Glasgow name for Royston 

[griffiti on the wall]

Take 5 mins to educate yourself Winnie before embarrassing yourself with comments like mythical place like Brigadoon

 

HITLER OF THE GARNGAD TAKEN FROM THE GLASGOW HERALD NEWSPAPER

 

TO the residents of the poor, densely-packed tenements of the Garngad area of Glasgow, his nickname was 'Hitler'. And three of them had such a loathing of him that they tried, without success, to throw him over a bridge parapet into the Forth & Clyde canal.

 

His name was James Robertson. He was a physically imposing figure, a former blacksmith who had served for two years as a constable in Dundee before joining the City of Glasgow Police in May 1933. He was just 23 when he was appointed as a beat constable in the Garngad, in the north-east of the city.

 

A new paper by Dr Andrew Davies, an academic at the University of Liverpool, says that Robertson's arrival in the run-up to that year's Orange Walk was the catalyst for a significant increase in local hostility towards the police.

 

Dr Davies, who has carefully studied the 'brutal conflicts' that took place between police and Garngad residents in the year after 'Hitler's' arrival, writes that his article demonstrates "that police violence was both pervasive and routine in the poorer working-class communities of interwar Britain." Politicians, the press and members of the judiciary sanctioned the use of violence to repress a community that had time and again been labelled as "lawless".

 

Any attempts in Glasgow to challenge police methods and officers' court-room testimonies received a 'highly punitive' response from the city's legal establishment, he adds. Those few politicians who dared take up working people's complaints were marginalised; mainstream parties refused to accept that British police could be capable of inflicting 'terror' on civilians.

 

Dr Davies, a reader in history whose main academic interest is the history of crime, published, six years ago, City of Gangs, a book about the Glasgow gangs of the 1920s and 1930s. He says the arrival of PC Robertson was in line with then-current force policy.

 

He writes: "The posting of such a physically intimidating recruit to the district during the build-up to the Orange Walk fitted with [Chief Constable Percy] Sillitoe's policy of meeting force with superior force. However, Robertson's intimidating manner, inflammatory language and undisguised disdain for Catholics [he was a Protestant] caused considerable disquiet. Within weeks of his arrival, local residents nicknamed him 'Hitler'."

 

Already by 1933, Hitler's name had become an oath: Dr Davies records that events in Germany had often made the front pages of Glasgow's evening newspapers, with one paper describing Hitler's domestic policies as 'brutal, oppressive and bellicose'.

 

On August 22, two of the three men who allegedly tried to deposit Robertson in the canal were jailed, for 60 and 30 days. The men denied the charge, one of them declaring that it would "need a crane" to throw a huge figure like the constable into the canal.

 

Other residents complained or testified about Robertson and the language he used towards them. One man on his way to chapel alleged that the constable had said, 'A bomb in that chapel would do no harm', though the man took it as a joke. One Labour councillor asked Sillitoe to transfer Robertson elsewhere, but the police were not minded to accede. Some Garngad residents supported Robertson, one asserting that 'half a dozen Hitlers' were required and that it was only a 'younger and irresponsible' element that objected to the constable's presence.

 

A police report detailed the dozens of cases of housebreaking, breaches of the peace, and assaults on civilians or police that had been brought to Northern Police Court, coinciding with Robertson's arrival in the Garngad.

 

In January 1934, two Garngad men were charged with assaulting Robertson and a second PC outside a fish supper shop. Robertson was off duty for 12 days.The two men denied the charges and eyewitness accounts backed them up, but they were convicted and imprisoned with hard labour. Sheriff Haldane referred to police difficulties in getting witnesses to support them in the Garngad, a place, he said, with a "rather notorious and unfortunate" reputation for lawlessness. His words prompted several letters of protest to the city's newspapers.

 

Two key turning-points in 'Hitler's' relationship with the Garngad came in large-scale outbreaks of disorder, on May 26 and June 9, 1934. They led to many arrests, writes Dr Davies, "but civilian witnesses at the trials that followed made repeated allegations of police brutality and falsification of evidence. PC Robertson featured prominently in their allegations." By this time, a local 'Vigilance Committee' was monitoring local arrests in the light of Robertson's conduct.

 

In the first case, Robertson and another PC arrested labourer Patrick Kelly outside the fish shop. Newspapers reported that a mob surrounded police officers and looted shops. One police witness said Garngad Road resembled 'a village in France after a bombardment'. Police reinforcements were called. Robertson and other officers were injured, and seven men were sent for trial at the sheriff court.

 

On June 9, further disorder broke out after the arrest of one of the men who had tried to throw 'Hitler' into the canal the previous year. Nine arrests were made. Of the total of 16 arrests, all but two were Catholic. But a letter published on June 12, signed by 50 Garngad 'ratepayers and shopkeepers', protested the 'unwarranted assault' by police on residents on June 9, many of them elderly or disabled, and called for some tact on the part of the police. Dr Davies says the letter "effectively re-cast the latest outbreak of disorder in Garngad Road as a police riot."

 

By the time Robertson testified at the trial of the first seven prisoners, he had, he said, been 'promoted' to the inquiry department at Northern Police Office. The force was adamant that he had not been transferred as a result of complaints, but needed a 'rest' after being injured more than once.

 

Garngad witnesses strongly disputed police accounts at this first trial but, says Dr Davies, judicial sympathy - the sheriff was, again, Haldane - clearly lay with police. However, "Faced with the stark choice presented by Haldane - police tyranny or mob tyranny - the jury opted for the former". Not guilty verdicts were returned against all seven accused.

 

"While 'Hitler' had been moved in part for for his own safety ... it is hard to avoid the conclusion that his notoriety had become a problem for the procurator-fiscal," his paper says. "Transferring Robertson to desk duties promised both to help to pacify the district and to remove a difficult line of cross-examination for police witnesses at future trials."

 

But the stakes were still high at the trial of the nine accused from June 9. Both the fiscal and Sheriff MacDiarmid, says Dr Davies, made little attempt to hide their contempt for defence witnesses. All nine were convicted, with sentences ranging from four months to 12 months.

 

Later, three witnesses who had spoken of Robertson's actions during the second riot were convicted of perjury. Later still, eight people who had testified on the trio's behalf were themselves convicted of perjury and jailed for months. Four of them were mothers with young children.

 

These latter convictions prompted allegations of miscarriage of justice, accompanied by humanitarian appeals for a reduction of the women's sentences. Glasgow councillor Jean Mann and Independent Labour Party (ILP) MP John McGovern campaigned vigorously for the women to be freed, a campaign fuelled by sympathetic articles in the press. A petition in support of a call for an inquiry into police brutality attracted 9,000 signatures. One woman, Mary Kelly, was freed after completing half her sentence, but a child she carried in prison was later still-born.

 

Violence between Garngad residents and police in the 1930s, writes Dr Davies, was reciprocal, but beat PCs, confident in the backing of Sillitoe, the fiscal and the judiciary, “meted out summary punishment with little fear of sanction”; and the beatings they received were nothing compared to the injuries inflicted by police batons.

 

“PC Robertson was exceptional in his incivility and the ferocity of his violence,” he said this week, “but he retired in 1965 with an unblemished record. In Glasgow police lore, his exploits were celebrated decades after his retirement. Police reminiscences, related years afterwards, lend substance to allegations that were strenuously denied in the 1930s.

 

“The ‘democratizing impulse’ spoken about by historians of the interwar years in Britain,” Dr Davies adds, “was barely evident in Gardgad in the 1930s; and local people were not permitted to speak as victims of miscarriages of justice.

 

"One thing that struck me as I did the research was that interviews with the families of the jailed mothers provided rare glimpses into the home lives of families living in the Garngad. This was a close-knit community – lots of the women’s children were being looked after by relatives who lived very close by – but these were really tough times. Many of the men were long-term unemployed, and the on-going friction with the police made their already hard lives even tougher."

 

He adds one final, revealing point: so tainted had the name ‘Garngad’ become, so damaged had its reputation become, that in 1942 it was renamed Royston.

 

 

 

 

[Town Crier]

1 hour ago, griffiti on the wall said:

1 hour ago, Jason King said:

Rossvale are a Bishopbriggs club - always have been. 
Its only their most senior team that is moving, they will still be a Bishopbriggs club.

The junior club has no links to the kids sides or the amateurs or so we are told

do they not all wear same kit...

[griffiti on the wall]

do they not all wear same kit...

I would say so but others from that club constantly tell us that the junior side is a separate entity

[combineharvester]

The iconic thing is the bens ground doesn’t meet the criteria either I dnt think as I’m sure the rules on ground criteria states that there must be a covered enclosure for supporters 

most grounds prob dnt meet all the things needed ...

just a small question.....b4 teams like Rossvale  gartcairn and even bens moved into there new homes  does the sjfa  not inspect  to see if ground is fit for purpose 

this is not a dig btw but this is Rossvale 2nd season at hunters hill and they’ve tried there  best with counci etc to improve but the sjfa should hv hit nail on head right away and deemed the venue not fit for its intended purpose 

Edited May 6, 2019 by combineharvester

[Jason King]

What criteria?

[peasy23]

The iconic thing is the bens ground doesn’t meet the criteria either I dnt think as I’m sure the rules on ground criteria states that there must be a covered enclosure for supporters 
most grounds prob dnt meet all the things needed ...
just a small question.....b4 teams like Rossvale  gartcairn and even bens moved into there new homes  does the sjfa  not inspect  to see if ground is fit for purpose 
this is not a dig btw but this is Rossvale 2nd season at hunters hill and they’ve tried there  best with counci etc to improve but the sjfa should hv hit nail on head right away and deemed the venue not fit for its intended purpose 

There are very few criteria for junior grounds, basically a fenced off pitch is the starting point and certainly nothing about needing cover. I've been to places like Scone where you can stand in the street and watch the match, and Thornton where their pitch is in a public park and you could wander in from all sides of it.

[Winny Wizen]

2 hours ago, griffiti on the wall said:

Take 5 mins to educate yourself Winnie before embarrassing yourself with comments like mythical place like Brigadoon

 

HITLER OF THE GARNGAD TAKEN FROM THE GLASGOW HERALD NEWSPAPER

 

TO the residents of the poor, densely-packed tenements of the Garngad area of Glasgow, his nickname was 'Hitler'. And three of them had such a loathing of him that they tried, without success, to throw him over a bridge parapet into the Forth & Clyde canal.

 

His name was James Robertson. He was a physically imposing figure, a former blacksmith who had served for two years as a constable in Dundee before joining the City of Glasgow Police in May 1933. He was just 23 when he was appointed as a beat constable in the Garngad, in the north-east of the city.

 

A new paper by Dr Andrew Davies, an academic at the University of Liverpool, says that Robertson's arrival in the run-up to that year's Orange Walk was the catalyst for a significant increase in local hostility towards the police.

 

Dr Davies, who has carefully studied the 'brutal conflicts' that took place between police and Garngad residents in the year after 'Hitler's' arrival, writes that his article demonstrates "that police violence was both pervasive and routine in the poorer working-class communities of interwar Britain." Politicians, the press and members of the judiciary sanctioned the use of violence to repress a community that had time and again been labelled as "lawless".

 

Any attempts in Glasgow to challenge police methods and officers' court-room testimonies received a 'highly punitive' response from the city's legal establishment, he adds. Those few politicians who dared take up working people's complaints were marginalised; mainstream parties refused to accept that British police could be capable of inflicting 'terror' on civilians.

 

Dr Davies, a reader in history whose main academic interest is the history of crime, published, six years ago, City of Gangs, a book about the Glasgow gangs of the 1920s and 1930s. He says the arrival of PC Robertson was in line with then-current force policy.

 

He writes: "The posting of such a physically intimidating recruit to the district during the build-up to the Orange Walk fitted with [Chief Constable Percy] Sillitoe's policy of meeting force with superior force. However, Robertson's intimidating manner, inflammatory language and undisguised disdain for Catholics [he was a Protestant] caused considerable disquiet. Within weeks of his arrival, local residents nicknamed him 'Hitler'."

 

Already by 1933, Hitler's name had become an oath: Dr Davies records that events in Germany had often made the front pages of Glasgow's evening newspapers, with one paper describing Hitler's domestic policies as 'brutal, oppressive and bellicose'.

 

On August 22, two of the three men who allegedly tried to deposit Robertson in the canal were jailed, for 60 and 30 days. The men denied the charge, one of them declaring that it would "need a crane" to throw a huge figure like the constable into the canal.

 

Other residents complained or testified about Robertson and the language he used towards them. One man on his way to chapel alleged that the constable had said, 'A bomb in that chapel would do no harm', though the man took it as a joke. One Labour councillor asked Sillitoe to transfer Robertson elsewhere, but the police were not minded to accede. Some Garngad residents supported Robertson, one asserting that 'half a dozen Hitlers' were required and that it was only a 'younger and irresponsible' element that objected to the constable's presence.

 

A police report detailed the dozens of cases of housebreaking, breaches of the peace, and assaults on civilians or police that had been brought to Northern Police Court, coinciding with Robertson's arrival in the Garngad.

 

In January 1934, two Garngad men were charged with assaulting Robertson and a second PC outside a fish supper shop. Robertson was off duty for 12 days.The two men denied the charges and eyewitness accounts backed them up, but they were convicted and imprisoned with hard labour. Sheriff Haldane referred to police difficulties in getting witnesses to support them in the Garngad, a place, he said, with a "rather notorious and unfortunate" reputation for lawlessness. His words prompted several letters of protest to the city's newspapers.

 

Two key turning-points in 'Hitler's' relationship with the Garngad came in large-scale outbreaks of disorder, on May 26 and June 9, 1934. They led to many arrests, writes Dr Davies, "but civilian witnesses at the trials that followed made repeated allegations of police brutality and falsification of evidence. PC Robertson featured prominently in their allegations." By this time, a local 'Vigilance Committee' was monitoring local arrests in the light of Robertson's conduct.

 

In the first case, Robertson and another PC arrested labourer Patrick Kelly outside the fish shop. Newspapers reported that a mob surrounded police officers and looted shops. One police witness said Garngad Road resembled 'a village in France after a bombardment'. Police reinforcements were called. Robertson and other officers were injured, and seven men were sent for trial at the sheriff court.

 

On June 9, further disorder broke out after the arrest of one of the men who had tried to throw 'Hitler' into the canal the previous year. Nine arrests were made. Of the total of 16 arrests, all but two were Catholic. But a letter published on June 12, signed by 50 Garngad 'ratepayers and shopkeepers', protested the 'unwarranted assault' by police on residents on June 9, many of them elderly or disabled, and called for some tact on the part of the police. Dr Davies says the letter "effectively re-cast the latest outbreak of disorder in Garngad Road as a police riot."

 

By the time Robertson testified at the trial of the first seven prisoners, he had, he said, been 'promoted' to the inquiry department at Northern Police Office. The force was adamant that he had not been transferred as a result of complaints, but needed a 'rest' after being injured more than once.

 

Garngad witnesses strongly disputed police accounts at this first trial but, says Dr Davies, judicial sympathy - the sheriff was, again, Haldane - clearly lay with police. However, "Faced with the stark choice presented by Haldane - police tyranny or mob tyranny - the jury opted for the former". Not guilty verdicts were returned against all seven accused.

 

"While 'Hitler' had been moved in part for for his own safety ... it is hard to avoid the conclusion that his notoriety had become a problem for the procurator-fiscal," his paper says. "Transferring Robertson to desk duties promised both to help to pacify the district and to remove a difficult line of cross-examination for police witnesses at future trials."

 

But the stakes were still high at the trial of the nine accused from June 9. Both the fiscal and Sheriff MacDiarmid, says Dr Davies, made little attempt to hide their contempt for defence witnesses. All nine were convicted, with sentences ranging from four months to 12 months.

 

Later, three witnesses who had spoken of Robertson's actions during the second riot were convicted of perjury. Later still, eight people who had testified on the trio's behalf were themselves convicted of perjury and jailed for months. Four of them were mothers with young children.

 

These latter convictions prompted allegations of miscarriage of justice, accompanied by humanitarian appeals for a reduction of the women's sentences. Glasgow councillor Jean Mann and Independent Labour Party (ILP) MP John McGovern campaigned vigorously for the women to be freed, a campaign fuelled by sympathetic articles in the press. A petition in support of a call for an inquiry into police brutality attracted 9,000 signatures. One woman, Mary Kelly, was freed after completing half her sentence, but a child she carried in prison was later still-born.

 

Violence between Garngad residents and police in the 1930s, writes Dr Davies, was reciprocal, but beat PCs, confident in the backing of Sillitoe, the fiscal and the judiciary, “meted out summary punishment with little fear of sanction”; and the beatings they received were nothing compared to the injuries inflicted by police batons.

 

“PC Robertson was exceptional in his incivility and the ferocity of his violence,” he said this week, “but he retired in 1965 with an unblemished record. In Glasgow police lore, his exploits were celebrated decades after his retirement. Police reminiscences, related years afterwards, lend substance to allegations that were strenuously denied in the 1930s.

 

“The ‘democratizing impulse’ spoken about by historians of the interwar years in Britain,” Dr Davies adds, “was barely evident in Gardgad in the 1930s; and local people were not permitted to speak as victims of miscarriages of justice.

 

"One thing that struck me as I did the research was that interviews with the families of the jailed mothers provided rare glimpses into the home lives of families living in the Garngad. This was a close-knit community – lots of the women’s children were being looked after by relatives who lived very close by – but these were really tough times. Many of the men were long-term unemployed, and the on-going friction with the police made their already hard lives even tougher."

 

He adds one final, revealing point: so tainted had the name ‘Garngad’ become, so damaged had its reputation become, that in 1942 it was renamed Royston.

 

 

 

 

 

[Winny Wizen]

3 hours ago, griffiti on the wall said:

He adds one final, revealing point: so tainted had the name ‘Garngad’ become, so damaged had its reputation become, that in 1942 it was renamed Royston.

You ok wee man.

You are on one thread having imaginary conversations between me and Mick Kennedy and now you have become the local historian posting a myth that finishes with the above. 

I think it’s not only the Gurngad name that was damaged I think you may be as well. 

If you enjoyed your Bank Holiday doing all that crap then good on yeh. 

 

[griffiti on the wall]

You ok wee man.
You are on one thread having imaginary conversations between me and Mick Kennedy and now you have become the local historian posting a myth that finishes with the above. 
I think it’s not only the Gurngad name that was damaged I think you may be as well. 
If you enjoyed your Bank Holiday doing all that crap then good on yeh. 
 

Proving you are a grade one roaster is always a pleasure never a chore

[Darvel legend]

Just a small point on this when I said it was no place for junior football I got dogs abuse on here and obviously the Rossvale committee agree with me , good team and good people at rossvale and I wish them all the best 

[griffiti on the wall]

Just a small point on this when I said it was no place for junior football I got dogs abuse on here and obviously the Rossvale committee agree with me , good team and good people at rossvale and I wish them all the best 

You think you got it bad DL
We said this back in 2017 and so our bus boycotted entering the ground and someone phoned the football intelligence unit to meet us on arrival there were more cops than fans and the stick we took on here was disgraceful..
I feel we now stand justified.
It's not likely we will get an apology tho [emoji848]

[Darvel legend]

14 minutes ago, griffiti on the wall said:

You think you got it bad DL
We said this back in 2017 and so our bus boycotted entering the ground and someone phoned the football intelligence unit to meet us on arrival there were more cops than fans and the stick we took on here was disgraceful..
I feel we now stand justified.
It's not likely we will get an apology tho

That’s for sure Chris